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Article: FEDERAL ELECTION 2021 - THE PARTY PROGRAM CHECK FOR THE CLIMATE

BUNDESTAGSWAHL 2021 - DER PARTEIPROGRAMMCHECK FÜRS KLIMA

FEDERAL ELECTION 2021 - THE PARTY PROGRAM CHECK FOR THE CLIMATE

Elections are scheduled in Germany on September 26th: The Federal Republic will elect a new parliament. This year, the election is even more important than usual. Because our future depends on it.  

What scientists have been warning about for decades has become apparent in full force this summer, in an unprecedented way and for the first time in the global north: the numerous fires in Greece and Turkey, the many climate-related deaths in Canada, but also the flood disasters in this country have forced even the last person to acknowledge that man-made climate change represents an increasing threat to humanity.

As early as 2015, at the UN Climate Change Conference, numerous politicians agreed in the Paris Climate Agreement to limit global warming to a maximum of 1.5 degrees - this is the figure at which science assumes that its consequences for us humans would be just about manageable. This is definitely not a laudable goal, but rather the maximum upper limit. Unfortunately, the signatory states have not really done much since then to actually meet this goal. In addition, just a few weeks ago, scientists at the IPCC published a new forecast according to which 1.5 degrees will probably be reached 10 years earlier than previously assumed, i.e. in 2030. That would be in less than 10 years. However, it is expressly not too late to stay below this warming - but appropriate measures must be taken now.

That's why this year's federal election is a #climate election and, in the truest sense of the word, decisive for the future. So where should you put your cross?
So that you don't have to search through all the election manifestos yourself, we have done it for you and summarized the positions of the individual parties on climate protection here as briefly and concisely as possible.

The CDU/CSU union party wants to achieve climate neutrality by 2045. As an interim target, they have set a 65% reduction in emissions compared to 1990 by 2030.
To achieve this, the Union wants, among other things, to "make decisive progress" in the expansion of renewable energies. However, they do not provide any concrete figures for this. One strategy in favor of renewables is to reduce existing regulations in order to speed up the planning and approval procedures. In order to relieve the burden on citizens, they want to make electricity generated from renewables cheaper. For example, the Union wants to abolish the EEG levy, a financing model from the Renewable Energy Sources Act. This would abolish the current 6.5 cents per kilowatt hour that all consumers pay to promote green electricity.

Another central element in the Union's election manifesto is the so-called emissions trading scheme, which is intended to make the reduction of CO2 emissions economically attractive for industry and others. In general, the Union is pursuing a more market-oriented approach: it is focusing on technology and innovation and wants to make investments in these more attractive.
The Union wants to have implemented a coal phase-out by 2038, which many environmental associations consider to be too late.  

The Union party also rejects diesel driving bans and a speed limit on motorways. But the CDU has come up with something else: For example, they are in favour of climate protection services provided abroad being credited nationally. From the point of view of some NGOs, this is not such a good idea, because such a calculation could potentially reduce the greenhouse gas reduction potential in the global south, as well as reduce Germany's already rather lax contribution to international climate protection.
 

Just like the CDU/CSU, the coalition partner SPD also wants to be climate neutral by 2045. The SPD wants to have completely converted the electricity supply to renewables by 2040. To achieve this, they are relying, among other things, on energy cooperatives - i.e. the joint investment of citizens in the expansion of wind turbines, for example.
The Social Democrats are focusing very strongly on the expansion of solar, wind and geothermal energy and the associated infrastructure. For example, they are calling for a solar obligation, but only for publicly owned buildings. In order to make the whole thing socially acceptable, the SPD also wants to abolish the EEG levy.

However, other concrete ideas for achieving their goals are somewhat lacking. For example, the SPD is committed to electromobility, but has not given us any concrete information on possible diesel driving bans. They are much more likely to rely on already known measures, such as bonuses for the purchase of electric cars. In return, they are calling for a speed limit of 130 km/h. Furthermore, the SPD wants to continue the CO2 pricing that was introduced this year. This will increase the price of a ton of CO2 over time and be regulated in the long term at appropriate auctions. The two governing parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, are both relying primarily on the measures and laws that they have already passed.

The FDP wants to be climate neutral by 2050. Only the AfD has a more lax demand - and it doesn't have one. The FDP wants to achieve this through a "strict and annually decreasing CO2 limit." They want to achieve this, among other things, through a CO2 price fed into the free market.

The Free Democrats also present a very market-centered approach to climate protection. Technological innovations determine the party's climate and energy policy. Renewable energies should not be specially promoted, but rather fed into the free market. They reject a speed limit, just like diesel driving bans, and they want to phase out coal by 2038, as the CDU and SPD have done. The FDP also wants to outsource Germany's reduction obligations by taking climate protection measures in countries in the global south into account, again in a similar way to the CDU. Incidentally, the European Green Deal, the plan presented by the European Commission in 2019 to reduce the EU's net greenhouse gas emissions to zero by 2050 and thus become the first continent to become climate-neutral, is not mentioned at all in the FDP's election manifesto.  

The Alliance 90/The Greens have, not surprisingly, chosen the climate as their main issue. They want to achieve climate neutrality “in 20 years” and phase out coal by 2030. By 2035, our electricity should come entirely from renewable energies and the CO2 price should also rise faster than previously planned, reaching 60 euros per ton in just two years.

The Ministry of the Environment is also to be given its own right of veto. This means it can object if decisions made by other ministries are not compatible with climate protection plans. If the Greens have their way, only emission-free cars should be on German roads by 2030. This ambitious goal is to be achieved with a bonus-malus system: climate-friendly cars will be cheaper, climate-damaging ones more expensive.

The Greens are also calling for a speed limit of 130 km/h on motorways and, together with the Left Party, a maximum of 30 km/h within towns. By 2050, there should also be no more waste thanks to a holistic circular economy. The responsibility for this should lie primarily with the manufacturers and should be taken into account in design, production, use and disposal. A deposit on smartphones and a basic right to repair are, for example, being discussed.

Die Linke wants to be climate neutral by 2035, presenting the most ambitious climate neutrality goal in this election campaign. In the same year, electricity is also to come entirely from renewable energies. By 2030, emissions are to be reduced by 80% and the phase-out of coal and fossil combustion engines is to be completed. The Left is making great progress in terms of climate protection.  

Instead of relying on CO2 prices and market regulation, the Left believes that it is better to give companies clear guidelines. They advocate regulatory law and public investment in climate protection and infrastructure. When it comes to financing, the Left leaves a few questions open, but emphasizes that it is striving for socially just climate protection. Incidentally, the Left is also calling for a speed limit: a maximum of 120 km/h on motorways and 30 km/h in urban areas.

Finally, let’s take a look at the AfD . In their election manifesto they write, among other things, that "it has not been proven to date that humans, especially industry, are largely responsible for climate change." Rather, the increase in the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere has contributed to the greening of the earth. They therefore reject any decarbonization measures, just like a CO2 price, diesel driving bans or the expansion of renewable energies. The AfD also wants to withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement.  


What do you think of the parties' plans for climate protection? Which parties are you considering in the upcoming climate election? Let us know.

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